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Between the invention of agriculture and the commercial revolution that marked the end of the Middle Ages, wealth and technology developed slowly indeeD.Medieval historians tell of the centuries it took for key inventions like the watermill or the heavy plow to diffuse across the landscapE.During this period, increases in technology led to increases in the population, with little if any appearing as an improvement in the median standard of living.
Even the first century of the industrial revolution produced more 'improvements' than 'revolutions' in standards of living. With the railroad and the spinning and weaving of textiles as important exceptions, most innovations of that period were innovations in how goods were produced and transported, and in new kinds of capital, but not in consumer goods. Standards of living improved but styles of life remained much the samE.
The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw a faster and different kind of changE.For the first time, technological capability outran population growth and natural resource scarcity. By the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the typical inhabitant of the leading economies—a British, a Belgian, an American, or an Australian had perhaps three times the standard of living of someone in a pre-industrial economy.
Still, so slow was the pace of change that people, or at least aristocratic intellectuals, could think of their predecessors of some two thousand years before as effectively their contemporaries. Marcus Tullius Cicero, a Roman aristocrat and politician, might have felt more or less at home in the company of Thomas Jefferson. The plows were better in Jefferson's timE.Sailing ships were much improveD.However, these might have been insufficient to create a sense of a qualitative change in the order of life for the elitE.Moreover, being a slave of Jefferson was probably a lot like being a slave of Cicero.
So slow was the pace of change that intellectuals in the early nineteenth century debated whether the industrial revolution was worthwhile, whether it was an improvement or a degeneration in the standard of living. Opinions were genuinely divided, with as optimistic a liberal as John Stuart Mill coming down on the 'pessimist' side as late as the end of the 1840s.
In the twentieth century, however, standards of living explodeD.In the twentieth century, the magnitude of the growth in material wealth has been so great as to make it nearly impossible to measurE.Consider a sample of consumer goods available through Montgomery Ward in 1895 when a one-speed bicycle cost $65. Since then, the price of a bicycle measured in 'nominal' dollars has more than doubled (as a result of inflation). Today, the bicycle is much less expensive in terms of the measure that truly counts, its 'real' price: the work and sweat needed to earn its east. In 1895, it took perhaps 260 hours' worth of the average American worker's production to amass enough money to buy a one-speed bicyclE.Today an average American worker can buy one—and of higher quality—for less than 8 hours worth of production.
On the bicycle standard (measuring wealth by counting up how many bicycles the labor can buy) the average American worker today is 36 times richer than his or her counterpart was in 1895. Other commodities would tell a different story. An office chair has become 12.5 times cheaper in terms of the time it takes the average worker to produce enough to pay for it. A Steinway piano or an accordion is only twice as cheap. A silver teaspoon is 25 percent more expensivE.
Thus the answer to the question 'How much wealthier are we today than our counterparts of a century ago?' depends on which commodities you view as important. For many personal services—having a butler to answer the door and polish your silver spoons—you would find little difference in average wealth between 1895 and 1990: an
A.believed that they were very much the same as their equals some two thousand years beforE.
B.probably thought that great changes had occurred since Cicero.
C.felt that qualitative changes had occurred in the last two thousand years.
D.believed in the efficacy of slavery.

A.B.
C.
D.
E.
F.
G.5
H.
I.believed
J.
B.probably
K.
C.felt
L.
D.believed
M.
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Early that June Pins XII secretly addressed the Sacred College of Cardinals on the extermination of the Jews. 'Every word we address to the competent authority on this subject, and all our public utterances,' he said in explanation of his reluctance to express more open condemnation, 'have to be carefully weighed and measured by us in the interest of the victims themselves, lest, contrary to our intentions, we make their situation worse and harder to bear.' He did not add that another reason for proceeding cautiously was that he regarded Bolshevism as a far greater danger than Nazism.The position of the Holy Sea was deplorable but it was an offense of omission rather than commission. The Church, under the Pope's guidance, had already saved the lives of more Jews than all other churches, religious institutions, and rescue organizations combined, and was presently hiding thousands of Jews in monasteries, convents, and Vatican City itselF.The record of the Allies was far more shameful. The British and Americans, despite lofty pronouncements, had not only avoided taking any meaningful action but gave sanctuary to few persecuted Jews. The Moscow Declaration of that year—signed by Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin—methodically listed Hitler's victims as Polish, Italian, French, Dutch, Belgian, Norwegian, Soviet, and Cretan. The curious omission of Jews (a policy emulated by the U. S. Office of War Information) was protested vehemently but uselessly by the World Jewish Congress. By the simple expedient of converting the Jews of Poland into Poles, and so on, the Final Solution was lost in the Big Three's general classification of Nazi terrorism.Contrasting with their reluctance to face the issue of systematic Jewish extermination was the forthrightness and courage of the Danes, who defied German occupation by transporting to Sweden almost every one of their 6,500 Jews; of the Finns, allies of Hitler, who saved all but four of their 4,000 Jews; and of the Japanese, another ally, who provided refuge in Manchuria for some 5,000 wandering European Jews in recognition of financial aid given by the Jewish firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Company during the Russian-Japanese War of 1904~1905.'We, Our,' and 'Us' in the first paragraph refer to ______.A.Pius XII himselF.B.Pius XII and the College of Cardinals.C.an unknown group.D.something that cannot be determined by the text.
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A.Pius
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D.something
I.
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Scholars often seem to operate on the assumption that any analysis with a rosy outlook simply does not adequately understand the matter at hanD.Ecotourism researchers have not been derelict in this regard, as the literature review earlier showeD.All the researchers who have looked at Capirona's project, however, have been impressed by its grassroots nature and are optimistic about its potential as eco-development (Colvin 1994; Wesche 1993; Silver 1992).All of these researchers, however, visited the community in its early years of operation. As mentioned previously, recent, non-scholarly reports are less positivE.Thus there remains some doubt as to the long-term viability of even such a model of indigenous ecotourism development as CapironA.This study originally proposed to study Capimna's project, but that community was weary of such research visits and refused a request to carry out the study therE.Palo Blanco, though completing only its first year of ecotourism developmemt was chosen as an alternate sitE.Perhaps it should not be surprising that the prospects for ecotourism in Rio Blanco appear, as they did in Capirona quite bright.Ecotourism development efforts differ from mainstream development efforts in that, aside from start-up loans, much or all of the continuing financial support comes from tourists rather than from governments or development agencies. As a result, the two main players many ecotourism endeavor—the hosts and the guests—are driven by differing motivations. The local population hopes to improve its own lot by taking advantage of the curiosity, disposable income, and in some cases, perhaps, good intentions of ecotourists. The tourists want to 'explore the natural wonders of the world,' whether that be a wildebeest migration across the Serengeti or the march of leaf-cutter ants across the jungle floor (Ryan and Grasse 1991: 166).In contrast to mass tourism, ecotourism permits tourists to seek educational self-fulfillment in the form. of travel, and tries to transform. that activity into something that benefits the greater good—specifically, to fund environmental preservation, rural development, and even cultural survival. However, in order to satisfy everyone—tourists, environmentalists, tour operators and the local hosts—ecotourism must bring into aliganment a variety of contradictory purposes. Ecotourism promotes feelings among tourists that they are part of the solution when, in fact, the very act of flying a thousand miles or more to their destination consumes resources and pollutes the enviroment (cF.Somerville 1994). The beauty of ecotourism is that it can exploit this egotistic motivation; the flaw is that it is forever limited by it.Even a brief foray into development literature, however, shows that flawed conceptualizations are the rule, not the exception. As development, ecotourism may be no more inchoate than any other approach, and in some ways it is as progressive as any theory. For example, ecotourism twin development goals—conserving the environment and benefiting local peoples—are increasingly seen, both within and outside of tourism circles, as interdependent. Without economic development, many argue that environmental conservation is neither ethical nor sustainable (Boo 1990: 1; West and Brechin 1992: 14; Brandon and Wells 1992). Such conservation can be achieved only by providing local people with alternative income sources which do not threaten to deplete the plants and amamis within the protected zone (Brandon and Wells 1992: 557). Most research on this issue, however, assumes that the protective regulations have been established by the government or another external ageacy. In Rio Blanco, however, the people themselves are already acting to protect their lanD.According to the author, scholarsA.see life through rose-colored glasses.B.should never give favorable reports.C.are expected to give only favorable response following their research and analysis.D.seem to believe a favorable result to research missed the point.
A.B.
C.
D.
E.
According
F.see
G.
B.should
H.
C.are
I.
D.seem
J.