单项选择题

For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930—1960. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U.S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggests that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budgets of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans’ willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
The vulnerability of the U.S. insurance systems lies in

A.its failure to extend its coverage to the poor and elderly.
B.its excessive dependence on the labor market.
C.Americans’ willingness to buy insurance.
D.the willingness of the government to invest in them.
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Directions: Read the following Chinese text and write an abstract of it in 80~100 English words 请把“公车”还给大众 你知道北京有多少辆“公车”吗2011年3月的最后一天,北京市财政局公布了一个数字:62026。这个碰巧在排列上有对称性的数字,也碰巧有了历史性的意义,因为公布此类信息,尚属全国首次。 诚如此次信息公开的申请人北京某律师所助理叶晓静所说,这件事情虽然让人感到高兴,看到政府信息透明的希望,但这一信息过于简单,起不到监督的作用。她申请公开的是“公车”数量和型号,结果只有数字。而且,这个数字前面还添了若干限定语,除了“截至去年底”这个必要的时间点之外,还有“市党政机关、全额拨款事业单位公务用车”。也就是说,这只是街上跑的公车的一部分。据官方媒体估计,算上非直接预算购买,差额拨款事业单位、国有企业等单位购买的公车至少会增加到10万辆。民间的估计远远大于这个数字。 如果你对10万辆“公车”没有概念的话,那么可以查一查全市有多少“公交车”。我只找到一个粗略的统计说,有两万多辆,而且这还是多亏2008年北京奥运会前大幅增加的结果。当然,你可以说,两种车的体积和载人量都不同。不过,10万辆公车所追求的,不就是这些不同吗你仍然可以算一下,这10万辆“公车”服务多少人,而两万辆“公交车”又服务多少人 我为什么把“公车”和“公交车”加上引号呢因为按照我自己生活中的语言习惯,“公车”就是大家都能用的车,也就是“公交车”一一看到广州媒体对“公车”新闻的报道,和北方的媒体并没有区别,我就不敢肯定是不是所有广州人都这样说话了——回想起来,多次在北京发生这样的事情:谈完工作之后,当地朋友问我,“怎么回去”我答道,“坐公车啊。”我指的是坐公交车或者地铁,朋友们是不是以为我有“公务用车”,而且还不无炫耀地挂在嘴上呢 这并非文字游戏,而是“名不正则言不顺,言不顺则事不成”。把“公务用车”简称为“公车”,看上去也没有什么问题,但是它以少数人的利益,占据了本应属于绝大多数人的“公”字。这不仅缩减了“公”的外延,而且还改变了它的内涵,使它变成了“特权”的代名词。我建议将“公车”还给大众,指称公共交通系统,而把“公务用车”称为“官车”或“政府用车”,这样就更能显示出其数量远远多于公交车的荒谬现实。 官员作为“公家的人”,坐“公(交)车”理所当然。只有在特殊的情况下,才可以用一下“官车”,否则就会沦为笑话。你实在不喜欢挤“公车”,可以自己买车代步。有人把这种情况称为“私车公用”,这个词本身也莫名其妙。你自己去上班或者办事,自己解决交通是再也正常不过的事。按照这种逻辑,一个公务员的身体和思想,是不是都应该由政府购买下来,然后才能工作,否则就是“私腿公用”、“私脑公用”了 取消“官车”并没有公务员叫喊的那么麻烦。杭州市自2009年5月宣布“车改”,市厅局级以下干部一律取消“官车”,改为发放交通补贴。迄今为止,没有听说公务运转因此出了什么问题。根据媒体报道不少拿到高级别“车补”的官员,自己买车用于上下班。不过,如果是鼓励官员坐“公(交)车”,对于缓解交通拥堵、密切官民关系更有好处。 对于取消“官车”,官员们最让人同情的抱怨是,那么多的“官务接待”,没有“官车”怎么办其实并非所有的“官务接待”都天经地义。上级或者外地官员来访,不妨请他们坐“公(交)车”或地铁——这不正是了解一个城市的最佳途径吗