单项选择题

Like her white friends Eleanor Roosevelt and
Aubrey Williams, Mary Bethune believed in the
fundamental commitment of the New Deal to
Line assist the black American’s struggle and in the
(5) need for blacks to assume responsibilities to
help win that struggle. Unlike those Of her white
liberal associates, however, Bethune’s ideas had
evolved out of a long experience as a "race
leader." Founder of a small black college in
(10) Florida, she had become widely known by 1935
as an organizer of black women’s groups and as a
civil and political rights activist. Deeply religious,
certain of her own capabilities, she held a rela-
tively uncluttered view of what she felt were the
(15) New Deal’s and her own people’s obligations to
the cause of racial justice. Unafraid to speak her
mind to powerful whites, including the President,
or to differing black factions, she combined faith
in the ultimate willingness of whites to discard
(20) their prejudice and bigotry with a strong sense of
racial pride and commitment to Negro self-help.
More than her liberal white friends, Bethune
argued for a strong and direct black voice in initi-
ating and shaping government policy. She pur-
(25) sued this in her conversations with President
Roosevelt, in numerous memoranda to Aubrey
Williams, and in her administrative work as head
of the National Youth Administration’s Office of
Negro Affairs. With the assistance of Williams,
(30) she was successful in having blacks selected to
NYA posts at the national, state, and local levels.
But she also wanted a black presence throughout
the federal government. At the beginning of the
war she joined other black leaders in demanding
(35) appointments to the Selective Service Board and
to the Department of the Army; and she was
instrumental in 1941 in securing Earl Dickerson’s
membership on the Fair Employment Practices
Committee. By 1944, she was still making
(40) appeals for black representation in "all public pro-
grams, federal, state, and local," and "in policy-
making posts as well as rank and file jobs."
Though recognizing the weakness in the
Roosevelt administration’s response to Negro
(45) needs, Mary Bethune remained in essence a black
partisan champion of the New Deal during the
1930s and 1940s. Her strong advocacy of admin-
istration policies and programs was predicated on
a number of factors: her assessment of the low
(50) status of black Americans during the Depression;
her faith in the willingness of some liberal whites
to work for the inclusion of blacks in the govern-
ment’s reform and recovery measures; her convic-
tion that only massive federal aid Could elevate
(55) the Negro economically; and her belief that the
thirties and forties were producing a more self-
aware and self-assured black population. Like a
number of her white friends in government,
Bethune assumed that the preservation of democ-
(60) racy and black people’s "full integration into the
benefits and the responsibilities" of American life
were inextricably tied together. She was con-
vinced that, with the help of a friendly govern-
ment, a militant, aggressive "New Negro" would
(65) emerge out of the devastation of depression and
war, a "New Negro" who would "save America
from itself," who would lead America toward the
full realization of its democratic ideas.

The tone of the author’s discussion of Bethune is best described as（）

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