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A Frenchman, the psychologist Alfred Binet, published the first standardized test of human intelligence in 1905. But it was an American, Lewis Terman, a psychology professor at Stanford, who thought to divide a test taker's 'mental age', as revealed by that score, by his or her chronological age to derive a number that he called the 'intelligence quotient', or IQ. It would be hard to think of a pop-scientific coinage that has had a greater impact of the way people think about themselves and others.
No country embraced the IQ—and the application of IQ testing to restructure society—mote thoroughly than the U.S. Every year millions of Americans have their IQ measured, many with a direct descendant of Binet’s original test, the Stanford-Binet, although not necessarily for the purpose Binet intendeD.He developed his test as a way of identifying public school students who needed extra help in learning; and that is still one of its leading uses.
But the broader and more controversial use of IQ testing has its roots in a theory of intelligence—part science, part sociology—that developed in the late 19th century, before Binte's work and entirely separate from it, Championed first by Charles Darwin' s cousin Francis Galton, it held that intelligence was the most valuable human attribute, and that if people who had a lot of it could be identified and put in leadership positions, all of Society would benefit.
Terman believed IQ tests should be used to conduct a great s6rting out of the population, so that young people would be assigned on the basis of their scores to particular levels in the school system, which would lead to corresponding socioeconomic destinations in adult lifE.The beginning of the IQ-testing movement overlapped with the eugenics movement—hugely popular in America and Europe among the 'better sort' before Hitler gave it a bad name—which held that intelligence was mostly inherited and that people-deficient in it should be discouraged from reproducing. The state sterilization that Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes notoriously endorsed in a 1927.Supreme Court decision was done with an IQ score as justification.
The American IQ promoters scored a great coup during World War I when they persuaded the Army to give IQ tests to 1.7 million inductees. It was the world's first mass administration of an intelligence test, and many of the standardized tests in use today can be traced back to it: the now ubiquitous and obsessed-over SAT(Stud), Ability Test); the Wechsler, taken by several million people a year, according to its publisher; and Terman's own National Intelligence Test, originally used in tracking elementary school children. All these tests took from the Army the basic technique of measuring intelligence mainly by asking vocabulary questions (synonyms, antonyms, analogies, reading comprehension).
According to Termon's theory, a twelve-year-old boy's mental age is 10, then his IQ number is about______.
A.0.8
B.0.9
C.1.0
D.1,2

A.B.S.
C.
D.
E.Supreme
F.
G.7
H.
According
I.
A.0.8
B.0.9
C.1.0

【参考答案】

A
解析:第一段讲述了计算方法,用mental age除以实际年龄,即10/12等于0。8,故选A。
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Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s ( 1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she liveD.To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipateD.Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 'diary-days' to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousanD.Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day.Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challengE.For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting 'rounds,' listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: 'Go to Carr' s for Oxen.' ( See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary datA.) We therefore created the following coding protocol.We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not nameD.The most common among these were records of church attendancE.Although an entry 'went to church' did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public placE.Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend ( which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public placE.What is the siA.It was the foundation of the research.B.It was the groundwork for the research.C.It was the research that was codeD.D.It was the example used for the coding.
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