TEXT E The role of and treatment
of the housewife, which is really the major bone of contention in social
security reform, has, of course, a major place in feminist thought. Betty
Friedan’s book, The Feminine Mystique, which was influential in initiating the
current wave of feminism in the United States, centered on the disadvantages to
women of assuming the housewife’s role. All feminists believe that women should
not be forced into assuming it, and that alternative choices should be
available. Many feminists, such as the present writer, go further and believe
that the disadvantages of the role of housewife are so great that it would be
better if younger women were to avoid entering the role even temporarily and if
the "option" to assume the role were to disappear. There is a
second strand of feminist thought concerning housewives, which derives from the
solidarity which feminists feel with all women, housewives included. This
solidarity expresses itself in a concern to alleviate injuries (physical and
psychological as well as financial) inflicted on housewives by their husbands
and by the institutions of society. This second strand is not logically
contradictory to the first; it is possible to love the sinner (the housewife
herself) while hating the sin (playing the role). Nevertheless, the two strands
do tend to cut different ways in terms of policy. Moreover, individual, feminist
thinkers differ in the emphasis they place on each. These two
strands of feminist thought inspire two kinds of complaints against the social
security system -- that some housewives are treated too well and that some
housewives are treated not well enough. The housewives who are treated too well
are those married to retired men, who are enabled by the system to live at a
higher standard than retired working wives whose family had comparable total
covered earnings. The housewives who are treated not well enough are those whose
dignity is scanted by treatment as a dependent, or those whose marriages end,
and whose husbands retain all rights to social security (and private pensions)
earned during the marriage. The solidarity-with-housewives
strand of feminist thought results in attitudes which emphasize the housewife’s
productiveness and give dignity to the position of housewife. It results in
policy suggestions which would have the effect of making the woman who becomes
and remains a housewife safer, more comfortable, less subject to financial
shipwreck, more able to hold up her head as a productive member of society. The
most characteristic product of this line of thought is the suggestion that
housewives be awarded social security credits for the homemaking work they do.
Some credit schemes would require the household to pay taxes in return for the
credit; others would not. One merit of homemaker credits in the eyes of the
solidarity-with-housewives advocates is that it makes housework and "paid work’
more alike, thereby raising the status of housework psychologically and
financially. A second merit, of course, is that in the case of divorce the
homemaker would keep her credits, and thus would be more financially independent
that is the case now. The second concern seems to be contradictory to the first one in that it argues
A.that women should assume their proper roles as housewives B.that women should commit no sin against their husbands and the society C.from the premise that women are the weaker sex to be protected D.that government policies should be made favorable to women’s liberation