单项选择题

The classic difficulty felt with democracy arises from the fact that democracy can never express the will of the whole people because there never exists any such unchanging will (at least in any society that call itself democratic). The concept of government of the whole people by the whole people must be looked on as being in the poetry rather than in the prose of democracy; the fact of prose is that real democracy means government by some kind of dominant majority.   And the ever-present danger, repeatedly realized in fact, is that this dominant majority may behave toward those who are not of the majority in such a manner as to undermine the moral basis of the right of people, because they are people, to have some important say in the setting of their own course and in the use of their own faculties. Other forms of government may similarly fail to respect human independence. But there is at least no contradiction in that; the underlying assumption of every kind of government by wisers and betters is that people on the whole are not fit to manage their own affairs, but must have someone else do it for them, and there is no paradox when such a government treats its subjects without respect, or deals with them on the basis of their having no rights that the government must take into account.   But democracy affirms that people are fit to control themselves, and it cannot live in the same air with the theory that there is no limit to the extent to which public power--even the power of a majority--can interfere with the lives of people.   Rational limitation on power is therefore not a contradiction to democracy, but is of the very essence of democracy as such. Other sorts of government may impose such limitations on themselves as an act of grace. Democracy is under the moral duty of limiting itself because such limitation is essential to the survival of that respect for humankind which is in the foundations of democracy. Respect for the freedom of all people cannot, of course, be the only guide, for there would then be no government. Delicate ongoing compromise is what must be looked for. But democracy, unless it is to deny its own moral basis, must accept the necessity for making this compromise and for giving real weight to the claims of those without the presently effective political power to make their claims prevail in elections In the author’’s view, the failure of nondemocratic governments to respect human independence

A. is in conformity with their basic assumptions.
B. interferes with the rights of the minority.
C. hinders the achievement of their objectives.
D. leads to consequences beyond their anticipation.
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A.approachB.flowC.fashionD.trend
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At the start of the 20th century, immigrant labor and innovation helped turn the U. S. into a powerful manufacturing nation. Today, foreign-born engineers jam the corridors of Silicon Valley,helping America’’s information-technology boom. And as the 21st century dawns, yet another wave of immigrants will once again help transform the economy.46)During the next decade, excepting a change in government policy, nearly a million immigrants are expected to arrive in the U. S. every year,most of whom,both legal and illegal,will continue to come from Latin America and Southeast Asia, but every foreign land will be represented.As domestic birthrates stagnate, only foreign-born worker will keep the labor pool growing. By 2006, in fact, immigrants will account for half of all new U. S. workers; over the next 30 years, their share will rise to 60%.47) Even at current levels of immigration, according to the Labor Dept. the number of people available to work will increase by a mere 0.8% per year between 1996 and 2006-half the rate of the previous decade. Without immigrants, according to a new study, the U. S. workforce would actually begin to shrink by 2015.48) It’’s not all about sheer numbers, of course:To lift productivity and spur growth, immigrants must provide creativity, entrepreneurial energy, or simple initiative that America couldn’’t find otherwise. If all you did was bring in people who are exactly the same as those we have here, there would be no economic benefit, says Rand Corp. economist James P. Smith, You’’d just have more people. Just as crucial, the array of education and skills immigrants bring could fit neatly with the supply of jobs over the next decade. According to Linda Levine at the Congressional Research Service,60% of the jobs created through 2005 will require some post-secondary education. But, she adds, low-skill jobs will still represent about half of total employment. 49) Yet immigrants also are 50% more likely than Americans to have a graduate degree, and an unbelievable 23% of U. S. residents holding PhDs in science and engineering are foreign-born, according to the National Science Foundation.Indeed, foreign-born workers have shown an extraordinary ability to assimilate and flourish. Certainly, some less skilled workers will remain at the bottom economic rung all their lives. 50) Yet others will catch up quickly, and within a decade of their arrival, the well-educated will go from making barely half that of native-born Americans in comparable work to nearly 90%, according to a recent study.That, of course, will raise immigrants’’ living standards. More important, it will help drive innovation and entrepreneurship,key engines of the 21st Century Economy.