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The Cold War may be over in Europe, but it is very much still with us in AsiA.The North- South division on the Korean Peninsula is still possibly the world's most dangerous political standofF.Not far behind is the tension between China and Taiwan. A civil war between the two was frozen just short of completion more than a half century ago because of U. S. political interests and military might.
Taiwan's authoritarian and repressive regime was for decades a mirror image of that of the main- land, but over the last 20 years both have taken enormous steps, with Taiwan leading the charge, to- ward opening up their markets, economies and the societies. Taiwan is a highly successful tiger economy, accounting for more than 10 percent of the world's production of information-technology components.
With both China and Taiwan members of the World Trade Organization, the European Commission rightly opened a European Trade and Economic office almost 12 months ago in Taipei. There is no doubt that the European Union should continue to develop industrial and economic links with Tai- wan and that the EU should also welcome the emerging multiparty democracy and respect for human rights on the islanD.But this should not blind Europe to the wider economic and political picture in AsiA.
China will and should be one of the engines of the world economy in this century. In 2003 the Chinese economy, with its 1.3 billion people, grew at nearly 10 percent, and this is believed to be a conservative estimatE.By contrast, the European Central Bank last June predicted the eurozone's growth at 1.1 to 2.1 percent for 2004. China's manufacturing sector grew by 17 percent last year when most of the European manufacturing sector seemed to be in declinE.It is in all of our interests that this growth continues and that a solid EU-China partnership is developeD.This prospect will be endangered only if China is provoked into an arms race with its neighbors.
One way of ratcheting up the tension would be to call into doubt the one China principle that the EU has supported for so long. Those supporting Taiwan's independence threaten to do exactly that. Yes, the EU should ensure Taiwan is not forced into any shotgun marriage with China, but equally, we should not encourage a destabilization of the status quo. The 23 million Taiwanese should be looking toward an accommodation with China, rather than using interests within the United States and EU to promote an agenda that would threaten us all.
This passage may be______.
A.a report on the annual meeting of the UN.
B.a research report by a socialist for the government.
C.an arguing paper on a publication .
D.a pamphlet delivered to the publiC.

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【参考答案】

C
解析:本题是一个主旨题。要求考生在纵观全文的基础上,对文章的性质作出判断。
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In The Sorrows of Empire, Chalmers Johnson advances the disturbing claim that the United States' Cold War-era military power and far-flung base system have, in the last decade, been consolidated in a new form. of global imperial rulE.The United States, according to Johnson, has become 'a military juggernaut intent on world domination.'Driven by a triumphalist ideology, an exaggerated sense of threats, and a self-serving military- industrial complex, this juggernaut is tightening its grip on much of the worlD.The Pentagon has re- placed the State Department as the primary shaper of foreign policy. Military commanders in regional headquarters are modern-day proconsuls, warrior-diplomats who direct the United States' imperial reach. Johnson fears that this military empire will corrode democracy, bankrupt the nation, spark opposition, and ultimately end in a Soviet-stylE.collapsE.In this rendering, the American military empire is a novel form. of domination. Johnson de- scribes it as an 'international protection racket: mutual defense treaties, military advisory groups, and military forces stationed in foreign countries to' defend' against often poorly defined, overblown, or nonexistent threats.' These arrangements create 'satellites'—ostensibly independent countries whose foreign relations revolve around the imperial statE.Johnson's previous polemic, Blowbaek, asserted that post-1945 U.S. spheres of influence in East Asia and Latin America were as coercive and exploitative as their Soviet counterparts. The Sorrows of Empire continues this dubious linE.Echoing 1960s revisionism, Johnson asserts that the United States' Cold War security system of alliances and bases was built on manufactured threats and driven by expansionary impulses. The United States was not acting in its own defense; it was exploiting opportunities to build an empirE.The Soviet Union and the United States, according to this argument, were more alike than different: both militarized their societies and foreign policies and expanded outward, establishing imperial rule through 'hub and spoke' systems of client states and political dependencies.Unfortunately, Johnson offers no coherent theory of why the United States seeks empirE.At one point, he suggests that the American military empire is founded on 'a vast complex of interests, commitments, and projects.' The empire of bases has become institutionalized in the military establishment and has taken on a life of its own. There is no discussion, however, of the forces within U. S. politics that resist or reject empirE.As a result, Johnson finds imperialism everywhere and in everything the United States does, in its embrace of open markets and global economic integration as much as in its pursuit of narrow economic gains.According to the passage, which of the following is the most important character shared by both satellite and 'satellite' countries?A.Revolving around a center body.B.have no orbit of their own.C.dependent.D.smaller than others.
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