TEXT A The first pre-election
poll, or straw vote, as it was then called, was conducted by the Harris bury
Pennsylvanian before the 1824 presidential election. This straw vote and the
many that followed it really registered nothing but local opinion; however, as
communications improved and elections were won by closer and closer margins,
newspapers and journals tried desperately to satisfy their readers’ curiosity in
more reliable ways. Before the 1928 elections, no fewer than 85
publications made private inquires, generally by means of questionnaires sent to
subscribers and by telephone surveys. The principle common to all these
inquiries was that they depended on quantity rather than quality; little effort
was made to reach representatives of all segments of the population. Still, the
erroneous belief persisted that the greater the number of questionnaires, the
more accurate the results would be. The record was held by the American monthly
Literary Digest, which sent out millions of postcards with short and pointed
questions before each election and received many hundreds of thousands of
replies. In fact, in 1932, the Literary Digest’s forecast was off by only
1%. In view of such striking achievements, it seemed rather
impertinent for the young American journalist, George Gallup, to claim that
large numbers were irrelevant and that equally accurate or better predictions
could be made with a small but carefully selected sample of the population and a
small team of skilled interviewers. In 1936, it took Gallup a
long time to convince 35 newspaper editors that his system was much cheaper than
the customary mass inquiries and that it could provide surprisingly accurate
predictions. The editors finally agreed, on condition that if Gallup’s
predictions were less accurate than those obtained by the tried method of the
Literary Digest, he would have to refund the entire cost of the investigation.
Although the Literary Digest broke its own record by obtaining 2 million replies
to its electoral postcards that year, its prediction was wrong by 19%, whereas
Gallup’s was off .by less than 1%. Moreover, the Digest had
predicted that Alfred M. Landon, the Republican candidate would obtain 56% of
the votes cast, whereas Franklin D. Roosevelt was, in fact, re-elected with an
unusually large majority. Gallup was one of the few political prophets who
predicted this result. Suddenly Gallup’s name was on everyone’s
lips, not only was he the prophet of the moment, but it was generally conceded
that he had found a new and most important scientific method of prediction.
He was showered with money and commissions, and the Gallup Poll became a
generic term for public opinion polls. Unlike earlier prophets,
Gallup based his investigations on sociological rather than purely arithmetical
calculations. He realised that the electorate is made up of different social
strata with differing political trends. Thus, farmers do not vote in the
same way that industrial workers do, the North votes quite unlike the South,
Black preferences vary from those of White persons, the interests of employers
are different from those of employees, and so on. There are also voting
differences according to age and sex, for it appeared that older people and
women tend to vote for conservative parties. Gallup usually
sampled his subjects according to six factors: state, size of community, age,
sex, income, and political affiliation. From time to time, other factors
may be considered; during times of war, for instance, the national origins of
electors may be taken into account. Only when the composition of
the electorate has been accurately determined can the purely arithmetical
question-how many people in each bracket must be interviewed-be solved. Once
this is done, laws of probabilities take over and the more people interviewed,
the more exact the estimates will be. However, above a certain maximum
number of interviews, the accuracy increases by no more than a fractional
percentage and where errors of up to 2% are permissible, a few thousand
questionnaires will accurately reflect the opinion of the total US
electorate. It is true that not all Gallup’s predictions were as
accurate as that, for of the 114 election forecasts made by the American
Institute of Public Opinion between 1936 and 1944, only 19 were wrong by less
than 1%; 39 were off by between 2% and 3%; nearly half were off by more than 3%,
and 6 were off by as much as 10% to 15%. The Gallup method suffered its greatest
setback during the 1948 presidential election when Truman-not Gallup’s choice,
Dewey--was elected. Before Eisenhower’s election in 1952 and re election in 1956
there was less doubt about the outcome, and Gallup did, in fact make fairly
accurate predictions. The American results have been excelled by
those obtained by Gallup’s British Institute of Public Opinion, which, using the
same methods, has managed to forecast a number of parliamentary elections with a
margin of error of only one half of 1% . In France, too, the French Institute of
Public Opinion has managed to predict parliamentary results with a margin of
error that has rarely exceeded 2%. After his more than 20 years’
experience with surveys, it would be fair to say the Gallup’s method of sampling
the electorate has proved most successful. Before Gallup, political predictions
were no more than shots in the dark, and it is as a result of his achievement
that today we can make truly scientific forecasts in this difficult
field. Which of the following may be unnecessary in conducting Gallup Poll
A.Sampling the subjects according to different factors. B.Regulating factors according to circumstances. C.Interviewing as many people as possible. D.Using laws of probability to forecast the result.